Turkish Medical History of the Seljuk Era - Muslim HeritageMuslim Heritage

Turkish Medical History of the Seljuk Era - Muslim HeritageMuslim Heritage

Turkish Medical History of the Seljuk Era

by Ali Haydar BayatPublished on: 1st July 2020

The Great Seljuk state was part of the medieval Islamic civilization. Most of its scientific institutions and educational traditions were inherited from previous and contemporary Muslim and Turkish states. In this well documented article, the late Professor Ali Haydar Bayat focuses on the medical life of the Seljuk State. After a short historical survey, he describes the medical tradition during the Turkish Seljukid period, focussing on hospitals, medical education, the physicians and their work, the healing of epidemics, and the practice of folk medicine.

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Note of the Editor: This article “Turkish Medical History of the Seljuk Era” by  Professor Ali Haydar Bayat* was first published 3rd April 2009. (2014 – 2019). It has been republished again to honour the passing of Prof Ali Bayat.

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Table of contents
1. Some History: the Great Seljuk era
2. Medicine during the Turkish Seljukid period
3. Hospitals
4. Medical education
5. Physicians and their work
6. Epidemics
7. The Practice of folk medicine
8. Further resources

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1. Some History: the Great Seljuk era

The Oguzlar, who were a part of the Gokturk Empire that was disbanded in 744 CE, had settled in an area that was under Samanogullari’s rule in Maveraunnehir, Harezm and Horasan. However, after a dispute, Seljuk Bey migrated with his followers to the banks of the Ceyhun River (present Oxus River). After they won the war of Dandanakan against the Gaznelis, the Seljuks established the Great Seljuk State in 1040 and conquered vast lands in the neighborhood, covering large regions from the Middle Asia to India, Iran, Iraq, Syria and Anatolia.[1]

Figure 1. Prof. Dr. Ali Haydar. (Source).

The scientific and civil life of the Great Seljuk state cannot be separated from the Islamic civilization. During this era, although born and raised in Turkish states, medical great names like Ibn Sina and al-Biruni, who wrote their works in Arabic, the scientific language of the era, were real heroes of the Islamic scientific tradition. In an era when the idea of community was more important, it was not expected to question the scholar’s nationality. Thus, the scientists were able to travel, settle, teach and carry on scientific and medical investigation without any political boundaries. This was a very common feature for this era.

To quote just few names, among the famous names pertaining to this tradition were Ibn al-Tilimdh, Abu ‘l-Barakat al-Baghdadi, Ibn Jazala. Ibn al-Tilmidh worked for the Sultan Sancak [2], whilst Sultan Mesud’s physician Abu Al-Barakat from Baghdad worked in the palace and had been awarded once with a hilat, a robe of honour [3]. During the era of the Sultan Meliksah, there were such physicians as Saîd b. Hibetillah, who wrote Kitâb al-Mugni fi al-Tibb and Ibn Jazala who wrote Kitâb Taqwîm al-Abdân and Minhâj al-Bayan fî mâ Yasta’milah al-insan [4]. Abdullah ibn al-Muzaffar al-Bahalî from Andalusia had been the physician of Mahmud, the son of Sultan Meliksah [5]. One of the most important books on pharmaceuticals that was written in this era was Kitab al-Abniye ‘an Haqâyik al-Adwiya [6].

Hospitals that existed in the Muslim world before the Seljuks were developed and spread by them. However, we have little information on Seljuk hospitals. Among these there are the hospitals and madrasas that were built by order of the vizier to Sultan Sancak, Ahmed Kâshî, in Kâshan, Ebher, Zencan, Gence and Errân [7], hospitals in Kirmân (1281) and Berdesir (11th and 12th centuries) [8], and care centres for the blind and disabled in Mosul (1159). Additionally the vizier Kunduri, upon the order of Tugrul Bey, restored hospitals such as the hospital al-Adhudi built by Adhud Al-Dawla in Baghdad [9]. They also created field hospitals for the military, where camel- earned physicians, medical personnel, provided the wounded with medicines and medical supplies [10].

The Turkish Seljuks, in the beginning, acted as the western arm of the Great Seljuk State, but then became independent and created their own identity. The science of medicine in the era of Turkish Seljuks was not of their own but a continuation of the experience, tradition and knowledge of the Islamic medicine which they helped spread through the Seljuk territories.

Figure 2. A map showing the Great Seljuk Empire at its height, upon the death of Malikshah in 1092. (Source).

2. Medicine during the Turkish Seljukid period

After the victory of Alparslan in Malazgirt (Manzikert) in 1071, the doors to Anatolia opened for many Turks to migrate through. By the 13th century, Anatolia had become the homeland to one third of the Turks. Even Europeans started to call Anatolia by the name of “Turkey”.

As Anatolia was an economical bridge between east-west and north-south, the economic and political policies of the sultans caused an economic rise of the region. Among the measures edited were: the lowering of the customs tax, the absence of taxes from wheat and metalwork, the guaranteeing of the safety of the international trade routes and the caravanserais on them, the safety provided to the traders. Therefore, the income of the country grew parallel to the agricultural and industrial production [11]. The budget of the state was 27 million dinars (gold), compared to 3 million in France and 4 million in England [12]. The treasury that was stored was used for making public works.

It is in this context that we understand the following statement by Ibn Havkal in the 10th century: “In the Islamic countries, the rich are spending their money for their own pleasures, where in Turkistan the rich population is using their wealth for religion and charity [13].” From his part, Ibn Battuta remarked in the 13th century: “Abundance in Damascus, compassion in Anatolia [14].” With these favorable factors, Anatolia, which knew a period of trouble and confusion in the previous period, started to experience an economic and cultural growth not seen before [15]. Cities, whose population exceeded one hundred thousand on important caravan routes like Konya, Kayseri, Sivas, became important centres. Mosques, madrasas, soup kitchens for the poor, lodges for the dervishes, bridges, inns, hammams and hospitals were built, and the social status of the people was raised. Especially during the reign of Kilic Asian II and Ala Al-Din Keykubat, many scientists and artists were invited to live in Anatolia, and these men, by moving in temporarily or permanently, helped the progress of sciences and arts.

Figure 3: The Kharaghan twin towers, built in 1053 in Iran, are the burial place of Seljuq princes. (Source).

Among the architectural works that have survived to the present, those that are important for medical history are the dar al-shifa-s (hospitals) that prove the civilized status of the Anatolian Seljuks.

3. Hospitals

During the Anatolian Seljuk times with its economic growth and cultural progress, hospitals called dar al-shifa, dar al-sihha or bimâristan were opened in every city. Medical assistance was given to those who got sick at caravanserais [16], and soup kitchens were create for the poor. The hospitals that were built by the royal family and supported by foundations were able to do their duties over a long period without becoming a financial burden on the state. Medical treatments were given free of charge and physicians, ophthalmologists, surgeons and pharmacists worked in these hospitals. Some of the many Seljuk hospitals that have made it to the present are as follows:

• Mardin, Necmeddin Ilgazi Hospital (MâristanMâristan) [502-516 H/1108-1121: It was started by the Sultan of Artuklu Necmeddin Ilgazi and completed after his death in the name of his brother by Amin Al-Din Ilgazi. The hospital institution consisted of a mosque, a madrasa, a hammam and a fountain. The institution was built over a vast land and the mosque, madrasa, hammam and fountain survived until today in ruins. The hospital was in the area south of the hammam.
• Kayseri, Gevher Nesibe Medical Madrasa and Hospital (Mâristan) [602 H/1205-1206]: It is the first medical building the Turkish Seljuks built in Anatolia. The ruler of the Seljuks Giyaseddin Keyhusrev, through the will of his sister Gevher Nesibe Sultan, who died at a young age, built the complex with a hospital (Shifâiye) on the west and a medical madrasa (Giyasiye) on the east.

Figure 4. Ince Minareli (founded in 1258) Madrasa in Konya and Sifahiye Madrasa (founded in 1217-18) in Sivas, both in Turkey. (Source).

The two buildings were connected by a corridor that was 1.5 x 11 meters; the hospital was 40 x 42 m (1680 m2), and the madrasa was 28 x 40m (1120 m2). Both sections had a plan that included a pool in the middle, a courtyard that was surrounded with pavilions and four antechambers. Together with the rooms around the courtyard, 18 cells that were discovered in the latest excavation on the western wall of the hospital were restored. As it was traditional among the Anatolian Seljuks to bury the founder of the place in the complex, one of the rooms in the medical madrasa with an octagon pyramid roof was built for Gevher Nesibe’s grave.

• Sivas, Izzeddin Keykavus Hospital (Dar al-Sihha) [614 H/1217): The hospital built by Izzedin Keykavus in Sivas in 1217, together with its destroyed parts (54.65 x 61.90m), was about 3400m2. It was the largest of the Seljuk hospitals.

The hospital was built like a madrasa with antechambers and a courtyard. The 690m2 courtyard was covered with stone and surrounded with 30 rooms with porches. The mausoleum of the donator, Izzeddin Keykavus, which is located inside the hospital, was built with the special Seljuk art of brick lying and mosaic tile.

The foundation deed, dated 1220 CE, is the only example from the Seljuk hospitals that has survived to the present. This is why it is very important. From this foundation deed, we are able to gather information on the hospital staff and how the hospital was run. The administration of the hospital foundation was given to the palace treasurer and founder of the Cankiri hospital, Cemaleddin Ferruh. The administrators decided on the wages of the experienced and well performing physicians, surgeons, ophthalmologists and pharmacists, and provided the raw material for the making of medicine. They also decided on the wages of the various workers in the hospital. Five farms, 7 pieces of land and 108 shops devoted to the foundation covered an area as big as a couple villages and the money generated from these economic resources was used in maintaining the hospital. The leftover money was used to buy more income generating resources [17].

Figure 5. Tile assemblage from the first half of the 13th-century Seljuq Anatolia. Composite body, overglaze-painted, its dimensions being 9,3 inches (23.3 cm). This composite tile formed by smaller elements to create a hexagon probably originates from the palace of ‘Ala’ al-Din Kay-Qubadh (reigned in Konya from 1220 to 1237). © The Metroplolitan Museum of Art, New York. (Source).

• Divrigi, Turan Melek Hospital (Dar al-Shifa) (628 H / 1228): The complex consisted of a mosque and a hospital. Ahmed Shah, the ruler of the Divrigi area of the Mengüceks, built the mosque and his wife, the daughter of the Erzincan Bey, Turan Melek Sultan, built the hospital. This one and only Ulucami and hospital complex was built on the east side of the city on sloping land. It is very fortunate for Anatolian Turkish art that this building has survived. The hospital had a plan of a madrasa with a courtyard with four antechambers and due to the harshness of the climate, it was covered with three vaults supported by four columns, and was lit up with a large lamp. There were seven rooms around the courtyard and an octagon pool under the place where the light was hanging. There was a stone stairway in the south corner that led to the mezzanine and there was a big hall and two rooms across the front. In the northeast corner of the courtyard, where the gate to the mosque and hospital was located was the mausoleum of Turan Melek.
• Konya and Aksaray Hospital (Dar al-shifa): It is known that in Konya and Aksaray, as they were the capitals of the Anatolian Seljuk State and adorned with many monuments, there were three hospitals. The first of these three hospitals that has not survived to the present was probably commissioned by Kilic Arslan II and became the Mâristan-i Atik.
• Dar al-shifa-i Alai, which was commissioned by Ala Al-Din Keykubad, was located on the north side of the Ala Al-Din hill, near the Seljuk kiosk, just in front of the Ertas gate, on the left side of the Ferhuniye/Sud Tekke street.

The third hospital in Konya was commissioned by one of the viziers of Izzeddin Keykavus II, the religious judge Izzeddin Muhammed. The complex had a mosque, a madrasa and a hospital. The hospital unit was funded from revenues from the Kestel and Kocmar villages near Kadinhani. In 1254, when Izzeddin Muhammed reorganized the foundation, the hospital was referred to as Mâristân-i Atik.

We do not have much information on the hospital that was established in Aksaray circa 13th century.

• Cankiri, Cemaleddin Ferruh Hospital (Dar al-afiye) (633 H/1235): the foundation administrator of the Sivas hospital, Atabey Cemaleddin Ferruh, commissioned this hospital. The only remaining parts of the hospital are the inscription made by Atabey Cemaleddin Ferruh and a grail with two intertwined snakes.
• Kastamonu, Ali bin Süleyman Hospital (Mâristan) [671 H/1272|: It was commissioned by Muhezzibuddin Ali, the son of one of the Seljuk viziers Muineddin Süleyman in 1272 in Kastamonu. After a terrible fire about one hundred and fifty years ago, only the front where the door was and some of the sidewalls remain.
• Tokat, Muinuddin Suleyman Hospital (Dar al-Shifa) [1255-1275]: One of the buildings of the complex (madrasa, hospital) that was built in Tokat by one of the statesman of the Seljuk State, Pervane Muinuddin Süleyman, was a hospital. From the complex only the madrasa, now used as the Tokat Museum, has remained. Probably the hospital was one of the adjacent buildings to the madrasa.
• Amasya, Anber bin Abdullah Hospital (Dar al-shifa) [708 H/1308/9]: It was built during the era of the Ilhan ruler Olcayto Mehmed, around the years 1308/09, by Amber bin Abdullah, the slave of princess Yildiz Hatun. The hospital was built on the side of the road next to the Yesilirmak river and its dimensions were 24.58×32.90m using a madrasa plan and with an antechamber and ten rooms.

Besides being a hospital complex, it was also known as a place that trained physicians. We have information about the physicians that were assigned there during the Ottoman era. Some of these physicians were Shukrullah (1488), Sabuncuoglu Serefeddin (after 1465), who worked here for ten years and created many valuable pieces of work for Turkish medical history, and Halimi (1516).

• Hot springs: Due to its geological structure, Anatolia has rich healthy hot water sources. The hot springs that had been mentioned since antiquity by writers such as Homer, Calinos and Strabon were used for healing purposes. Hot springs that were left from the Roman and Byzantium eras were still used during the Turkish Seljuk State and new springs were opened for public use.

Figure 6. Gevher Nesibe Sultan’s statue. (Source).

According to the 14th century writer Omari, there were over 300 thermal springs that the public used for healing purposes. The most famous was the Ilgin hot springs built by Ala Al-Din Keykubad in 1236 on top of the thermal springs that had been known about since the time of the Roman Justinian. This hot springs area that has remained intact along with its inscriptions consisted of two hammams with a pool under its domed roof [18].

We can also mention the other hot springs of the time as follows: Agamemnun in Izmir, Haymana, Kizilcahammam in Ankara, Cardak (1175) in Eskisehir, Yoncali (1233) in Kütahya, Kizozü/Aslanagzi (1256) in Havza, Karakurt (1135) in Kirsehir, Ilica in Erzurum and Karakaya in Ayas [19].

Hammams also played an important role in the development of health areas during the Seljuk time. Many hammams were built by foundations, sultans and statesman for the public, for both men and women [20].

4. Medical education

In the Islamic world, in the Mustansiriye Madrasa in Baghdad, other than the professors teaching Islamic science, the existence of sheikh al-tibb professors that taught 10 students [21] and the announcement that medical classes were being given in the Mansuriyye and Muayyadiya madrasas in Cairo, show that medicine was taught in some of the madrasas. Also, Nuaymi’s introduction of three medical madrasas in Damascus (Dinvariyya, Dunaysiriyya ve Labbudiyya), illustrates that although they were few, there were independent medical schools [22]. Private lessons were also given. Damascus physicians Muhazzab Al-Din and Muhaddab (1232) had left instructions that after their deaths their homes and books were to be used for medical studies [23].

There is no proof that medical classes were given in Turkish Seljuk madrasas. The Seljuk hospitals in Anatolia, on one hand being a health facility, were also places where physicians were educated through a master-apprentice relationship. Two documents regarding the appointment of physicians in hospitals have survived to the present. In one of these, the physician Burhan Al-Din Abu Bakr, who was appointed to succeed on the death of physician Izzeddin of the Konya hospital was told to take care of the sick with kindness and compassion, not to discriminate between the sick and the insane, and that his salary would be paid by the foundation of the hospital. The second document stated that Serafeddin Yakûb being a talented physician, he was to be appointed to the hospital, that he should not mix the medicines together other than what was stated in medical books, that he should not discriminate between the rich and the poor, and that he should enlighten the students with precise proofs during their education at the hospital [24].

Figure 7. Gevher Nesibe Sultan Madrasa in Kayseri, Turkey.

5. Physicians and their work

We are able to gather information on the Turkish Seljuk physicians from history books, publications, literature, and from their writings that have survived to the present. Although some present publications state that the position of head physician was given, there are no documents to prove this [25]. Seljuk rulers appointed some of the valuable physicians for their own health problems when they saw fit.

Figure 8. Divrigi Gok Madrasa and Dar al-Shifa complex in Sivas, Turkey.

From sources that have survived until now, we can see that in the Anatolian Seljuk era, due to developments in the medical field, there were many physicians active in the cities. Especially during the rule of Kilic Arslan II and Ala Al-Din Keykubad, there were many physicians invited to Anatolia. Because of their wide range of knowledge, their reputation and intellectual personalities, some physicians were sent on political missions to foreign countries by their administrators (for instance, Abu Bakr bin Yusuf) [26].

Some of the physicians worked in hospitals, but some of them travelled from city to city, practicing medicine. For example, the physician Saduddin Mes’ud, in a letter he wrote to a friend, mentioned going to Sinop, Kastamonu, Amasya and Niksar to heal patients and that he longed to return but that he had to go to the Canik area to cure some patients. We learn from the narratives of Evhadudduddin Kirmani that in Anatolia there were ear cleaners that travelled with a copper flask that contained oil and alcohol [27], similar to the quack eye physicians that roam the same areas today performing cataract operations.

Well known physicians with good reputations were addressed as: “Malik al-Hukama’, Sultân al-Atibbâ, Aflâtun al-Dahr, Bakurat al-‘Asr, Masîh al-Zaman, Fakhr al-Milla wa-l-Din… “ [28]

There were many physicians who created works during the Anatolian Seljuk era, who were invited by the rulers to come to Anatolia temporarily to do their job. Some of these physicians are as follows:

• Hakim Barka/Baraka: He is the first physician to write a medical book in Turkish, Tuhfa-i Mubarizi. In the preface, he states that he first wrote the book in Arabic under the name Lubâb al-Nukhab, then he translated it into Persian under the name Tuhfa-i Mubarizi. He then submitted this book to the Amasya Governor of Ala Al-Din Keykubat, Mubaruziddin Halifet Alp Gazi. The Governor liked the book but stated: “If it had been written in Turkish, it would have been an invaluable piece of work.” Therefore, he translated it into Turkish. He also wrote the book Kitab-i Hulasa der ‘ilm al-Tibb [29].
• Ekmeleddin Muayyad el-Nahcuvani: Ekmeleddin, who was described to Mevlana as “our son whose self is pure and correct,” was born in Nahçivan. We do not have the information of where he learned to become a physician and when he came to Konya. We understand from the names given to him by the palace, statesman and Mevlana: malik al-hukemâ, wa al-atibbâ; rais al-atibbâ; hukamâ-i cihân, sultân-i etibbâ-i zaman; iftihâr all-atibbâ; Calinus al-fazl, Aflâtun al-tadbir, Calinus al-zamân; tadbir-i dahr, Aflâtun al-zaman; Bakurat al-‘asr, that he was a well-respected physician [30].
• Abu Bakr b. Al-Zaki el-Mutatabbib el-Konavi: We get most of the information about him from the works Ravzat al-Kuttâb and Hadikat al-Elbâb that he wrote in 1279 from letters to Ekmeleddin. From this we learn that he was a student of Ekmeleddin, that he made medicine for the statesmen, that he cured an emir’s son, that he found an impostor trying to be a physician and that he had written a brochure Bab-i Munazara-i Meyân-i Dil u Dimag (the debate between the heart and brain) [31].
• Gazanfer Tabrizi: His real name was Abu Ishak Ibrahim b. Muhammed known as Gazanfer al-Tabrizî (if there is not someone else with the same name at that time). He was one of the physicians that worked with Ekmeleddin on the deathbed of Mevlana Jalal Al-Din Rumi to cure him. His copies of the writings of the commentary Hâsil al-Masa’il on Huneyn b. Ishak’s (871) al-Masa’il fi al-Tibb lil-Mutaallimin and his commentary on Ibn Sina’s al-Ishârat wa al-tanbihât, that he wrote in 1301-2, has survived until the present. We know two of his works that he reproduced. These are Biruni’s Kitâb al-Saydana and the criticism of Bahmanyâr to Ibn Sina’s Anvâr al-afkâr [32].
• Hubaysh al-Tiflisî: It is thought that he came to Anatolia when Kilicarslan II decked out Aksaray with mosques, madrasas, soup kitchens for the poor and bazaars, and when many scientists and merchants settled there from Azerbaijan. He has written about thirty books on topics such as medicine, language, literature, astrology, dream explanations and the pronunciation of words in the holy Qur’an. Although he has many works, he is not mentioned in Islamic sources. Among his medical works, some examples that he wrote are as follows:

Adviyat al-Adviya: A book on pharmaceuticals, the gathering of medicines, how to store, burn, cook and use the formulas of ink medicine and how they are made.

Ihtisaru Fusuli al-Bukrat: An Arabic copy of Hippocrates’ Aphorisms.

Kifayat al-Tibb: This work consisted of two books and 224 chapters. It was written in Persian and was presented to Meliksah.

Risala fi Sharh Ba’zi al-Masail- li-Asbab and ‘Alamat Muntahabe Min al- Qanun: It is a pamphlet that explains the reasons and symptoms of illnesses, using examples from Ibn Sina’s Qanun.

Other works include Sihhat al-Abdan, Takdîm al-‘ilac and Bezrekat al-Minhac, Rumuz al-Minhac and Kunuz al-‘Ilac and Lubab al-Asbab [33].

• Najm Al-Din Nahçuvânî: He was a very talented scientist who lived in the 13th century. He was also the vizier to Keykâvûs II. He wrote a commentary on the works of Fahreddin Râzî’s Sharh Kulliyât al-Qanun and Hallu Shukuk al-Mufrada fi Sharh al-Fahr al-Razî written in 1253, Ibn Sina’s al-Isharat wa al-Tenbihât in his books Zubdat al-Nakz and Lubâb al-Kaff [34].
• Abdullah Sivasi: He lived in the 14th century and was known for his summary of the works of Hippocrates’ Aforizma, Ibn Abi Sadik al-Nishaburi’s commentary in his book Umdat al-Fuhul fi Sharh al-Fusul, written in 1314 in Aksaray [35].
• Ali Sivasi: He lived in the 14th century and is known for his book Kitâbu Iksir al-Hayat fi Talhisi Kava’id al-Muâjalât that he wrote for the Amasya princes’ tutor, Emir Yasbak [36].
• Tacuddin Bulgari: He was one of the students who came from the Volga Bulgarian Turks who had come to the Islamic states for scientific education. He was sent in his older age as an ambassador to Baghdad by Giyaseddin Keyhusrev II. He has one book, Muhtasar fi Ma ‘rifat a1-Adviyat al-Mufrada [37].
• Muhazzibiddin bin Hubel (1213): He was a student of the famous physician Abu al-Barakat from Baghdad. He was praised highly by Allatsahi Ibrahim and made a fortune when he returned to Damascus. One of the physicians that tried to cure Sultan Ala Al-Din Keykubat when he was in Malatya, Izzeddin ibn Hubel was probably his son. His book al-Muhtar fi al-Tibb was used as a main reference book during his time [38].

Figure 9. The gate of Ala Al-Din Mosque in Konya, Turkey.

Other than these physicians whom we know about from their works, there are also those who we know about from their being in the sultan’s service such as: Hasnun, Faridaddin Muhammed Câcermi, Izzeddin ibn Hubel, ‘Isâ, Carrah Vasil, Ebu Salim b. Keraya, Safiyuddevle, Rakkali Ridvan bin Ali (1247) [39], Resü’laynli Takiyeddin Abu Bakr [40], and Erzincanli Ala Al-Din [41]. There are those who had also been mentioned for being around the Sultan, such as Sarafaddin Ya’kub, Burhanuddin Abu Bakr, Sa’duddin Mas’ud, Badraddin ibn Hariri, Bedruddin Ceriri, Shamsuddin b. Hubel, Fahruddin Abu Bakr Ahmed b. Mikail bin Abdullah Konevî. There were also those physicians who had been temporarily invited to come to Anatolia. Abdullatif bin Yusuf el-Bagdadi, who had been invited by Ala Al-Din Davutshah of the Mencunuk at a high salary, wrote many books when he was in Erzincan [42]. It is also known of a physician in Konya named Mevlana Emir Hasan [43]. There was also Gabriel, Urfali Hasnun (1227) and his student ‘Isa, Harputlu Shamon and Ahron who worked in Malatya. From libraries that kept written works in Sivas, Erzincan, Konya, Aksaray, the copied works of great physicians prove that there was a dynamic and active scientific life in these areas [44].

It is understood that a portion of these scientists had a very active life. For example the physicians from Konya Fahreddin Abu Bakr Ahmed bin Mika’il bin Abdullah and Fahreddin Abu al-Barakat bin Abdussalam bin Mansur Mardini [45], pharmacist Kutbeddin Sancar bin Abdullah Atik es-Sahib Ala Al-Din Ata el-Melik Cuveyni er-Rumi, had moved to Tabriz from Anatolia [46]. After the battlefield loss in Kosedag in 1241, there was a lot of activity in the Eastern cities and the physician Imaduddin Malati and other scientists moved from Malatya to Konya [47].

During Seljuk times, medicines were prepared and sold in herbal stores (attar). The medicines were prepared accordingly to the medical books and the main ingredients consisted mainly of plants from Anatolia. The rest of the raw material was obtained from India and other Islamic countries through the Spice and Silk Roads. Hospitals and caravanserais had their own little pharmacists [48].

6. Epidemics

Throughout history one of the greatest disasters humankind has seen are epidemics. In their most critical times, they have killed millions, causing people to migrate, paralyzing work forces, agriculture and stockbreeding decline, creating numerous negative effects on the economy. The worst epidemics of the Middle Ages were the plague, black death/peste noir, peste, pestis in the West, ta’un in the Islamic world and kiran, olet among the Turks.

Because Anatolia is a bridge between the East and West, it has seen many epidemics throughout its history. The first great epidemic was seen in the Mediterranean countries during the 6th century, called the Justinian Plague. It lasted three years and destroyed a great number of the population it hit. There are no records of the deaths and destruction in Anatolia but just in Istanbul about 16,000 died per day, which gives an idea of its destruction.

There were many epidemics in various places where the Seljuks ruled that came from Anatolia and foreign countries. Mostly epidemics started after military campaigns, sieges and famines. The main epidemics were: the plague that started in Istanbul; during the time of Suleyman Shah I (1078), killing 160,000 in four months; during the time of Kilicarslan I (1093), during the siege of Antakya, during the First Crusade (1098) when just from the French military 100,000 died; during the time of the Danismand ruler Melik Muhammed (1143), an epidemic in Malatya first killed poultry, then humans, mostly small children; during the military campaign to Cukurova of Mesud I (1153), a part of the Seljuk and Konya military; during the rule of Kilicarslan II (1178) a plague due to a famine in Syria, Iraq, Diyarbakir and Ahlat, the people were not able to bury their dead in time as the rate of death was too high; during the Third Crusade (1189), the French army had many casualties due to an epidemic stemming from the heat and famine; during the rule of Ala Al-Din Keykubad (1221), an epidemic in Konya, in 1244 in Malatya, in 1259 in Syria and in Anatolia due to a famine; and the Mongolian invasion that took place at the same time brought an epidemic in Mardin and Meyyafarikin (Silvan) that caused immense damage.

The reasons for the epidemics were not known, and they were explained by supernatural causes, as the people tried to stop the epidemic material and spiritual ways. In the Christian world, sacrifices, magic, religious ceremonies were performed and miracles were expected from saints. In the Islamic world they obeyed the saying of Prophet Muhammed: “Do not enter a place of plague, and do not leave it,” creating a quarantine, but as they did not know the cause of the epidemics other from trying various medicines, they also tried superstitious beliefs [49].

Figure 10. Picture of Sultanhan on the Konya-Aksaray Road: the main portal, the stalactite arch of the main portal, an inscription detail, and the side arcades of the main portal. Source: Miniaturk-Istanbul.

7. The Practice of folk medicine

In Anatolian Seljuk society, as it has always been over time, the people attempted to cure diseases apart from science, by going to sheikhs for religious (Tibb-i Nebevi), magical and practical solutions.

We are able to follow the folk physicians, like all social life of the era, through the writings about Mevlana Jalal Al-Din Rumi and his environment. Examples of folk medicine are: recitations by sheikhs for inability to hold urine, boils, malaria; writing words of ailment on cloves of garlic and almonds for swallowing; drinking water containing a piece of paper with religious writings; fumigating with dog hair; in the case of eye diseases having the sheikhs rub their fingers on patients eyes with their saliva while praying; and for broken bones canting religious words over the broken bone; wiping with the palm of the hand for ablution; reading or writing religious words over the skin with boils and warts.

Other than the already mentioned methods of treatment, herbal remedies were also used in scientific medication that was also used by the people. For example, garlic for prolonged fevers (allium sativum) or honey made into a paste; myrobalan (fructus myrobalani citrinae) for diarrhea; a mix of honey and vinegar to lower fever; honey, garlic and yogurt for colds; eating of raw turnip to strengthen the eye; scammony plant for constipation; myrobalan roots (radix scammoniae) for diarrhea; theriacs for intestinal pains; visits to thermal baths for skin diseases; drinking watered wine for reaction to weather changes; opium milk for over sleeping (opium, succus papaveris); hot springs for leprosy; blood letting for colds and visits to a hamam [50].

The most important part of the Anatolian Seljuk medical practice for Turkish cultural history is probably that it started to put medical practice into Turkish, and within the paradigm of Islamic medicine, the first Turkish works were produced. This started in 1233 when the physician Baraka moved from Harezm to Anatolia and translated his own book Tuhfa-i Mubârizi, that he had written in Arabic into Turkish, and continued during the Beylik (principality) era when works written in Aydinoglu, Mentese, Karesi, Candaroglu Beyliks were in Turkish [51].

8. Further resources

The articles published on Muslim Heritage website on the Seljuks’ art, culture, history and knowledge:

Footnotes

• [1] Ali Sevim, Suriye ve Filistin Seljuklulari Tarihi, Turk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 1983, p. XI.
• [2] Osman Turan, Seljuklular Tarihi ve Turk-Islam Medeniyeti, Turk Kulturunu Arastirma Enstitusu, Ankara, 1965, pp. 243-244.
• [3] Nihat Keklik, Türkler ve Felsefe, Istanbul, 1986, p. 76.
• [4] Ibrahim Kafesoglu, Sultan Meliksah, Istanbul, 1973, p. 172.
• [5] A. Süheyl Ünver, ” Selçuklular Zamaninda Seyyar Hastahanenin Müessisi”, Turk Tip Tarihi Arkivi, vol. 18, Istanbul, 1940, pp. 70-71.
• [6] Bedi’ullah Debiri Nejad, “Seljuklular Devrinde Kültürel Durum”, Erdem, III, 8, Ankara, 1987, p. 489.
• [7] Nasruddin Kirmani, Nesaimu’l-Eshar (edited by. Celaleddin Urmevi), Tehran, 1338, p. 65; Osman Turan, Seljuklular Tarihi ve Turk-Islam Medeniyeti, Turk Kulturunu Arastirma Enstitüsü, Ankara, 1965, p. 250.
• [8] Erdogan Mercil, Kirman Seljuklulari, Ministry of Culture, Ankara, 1980, pp. 235, 354-355, 362-363.
• [9] Mehmet Altay Koymen, Tugrul Bey ve Zamani, Ministry of Culture, Ankara, 1976, p. 121.
• [10] Imad ad-Din Katib al-Isfahani, Irak ve Horasan Seljuklulan Tarihi (translated by Kivameddin Burslan), Turk Tarih Kurumu, Istanbul 1943, pp. 129-230; A. Süheyl Unver, “Seljuklular Zamaninda Seyyar Hastahanenin Muessisi”, Turk Tip Tarihi Arkivi, vol. 5, No. 18, Istanbul, 1940, pp. 70-71.
• [11] Osman Turan, Seljuklular Zamaninda Türkiye, Turan Nesriyat Yurdu, Istanbul, 1971, p. XXVI.
• [12] Osman Turan, Seljuklular Tarihi ve Türk-islam Medeniyeti, Türk Kulturunu Arastirma Enstitüsu, Ankara, 1965, p. 276.
• [13] Ramazan Sesen, Islam Cografyacilarina Gore Turkler ve Türk Ulkeleri, Turk Kulturunu Arastirma Enstitusü, Ankara, 1985, p. 209.
• [14] Ibn Batuta, Seyahatname-i ibn Batuta (translated by Mehmed Serif), Matbaa-i Amire, Istanbul, 1322 H, p. 310.
• [15] Claude Cahen, Osmanlilardan önce Anadolu’da Türkler (translated by Y. Moran), E. Yayinlari, Istanbul, 1979, p. 169.
• [16] Osman Turan, “Celaleddin Karatay, Vakiflari ve Vakfiyeleri”, Belleten, vol. XII, No. 45, Ankara, 1948, p. 58.
• [17] Ali Haydar Bayat, “Anadolu Seljuklu Hastane Vakfiyelerinin Tek Ornegi Olarak Sivas Darüssifasi Vakfiyesi”, Turk Kulturü, vol. XXIX, No. 333, 1991, pp. 5-19.
• [18] Ali Haydar Bayat, “Anadolu Seljuklu Donemi Darussifalari Uzerine Toplu Bir Degerlendirme”, I. Uluslararasi Seljuklu Kültür ve Medeniyeti Kongresi, Bildiriler, I, Seljuk University, Seljuklu Arastirmalari Merkezi, Konya, 2001, pp. 121-148.
• [19] Bedi Sehsuvaroglu, “Anadolu Kaplicalari ve Seljuklular”, I. U. Tip Fakultesi Mecmuasi, 1957, 2, pp. 305-325; A. Süheyl Unver, “Kutahya’da Seljuklulardan Kalma Yoncali Ilicasi 631 [1233]”, Turk Tip Tarihi Arkivi, VI, 21, Istanbul 1943, p. 29-34; A. Süheyl Unver, “Seljuklular Zamaninda ve Sonra Anadolu Kaplicalari Tarihi Uzerine”, CHP Konferanslan Serisi, Kitap 8, Ankara, 1939, pp. 89-109; Riza Reman, Balneoloji ve sifali Kaynaklarimiz, Istanbul, 1942; Enis Karakaya, “Kaphca”, Turkiye Diyanet Vakfi Islam Ansiklopedisi, XXIV, Istanbul, 2002, pp. 351-352.
• [20] A. Süheyl Unver, “Konya’da Seljuklular Zamanindaki Hamamlara Dair”, Turk Tip Tarihi Arkivi, V, 17, Istanbul, 1940, pp. 83-86.
• [21] Abdullah Kuran, Anadolu Medreseleri, I, Ankara, 1969, p. 4; Osman Turan, “Seljuklu Devri Vakfiyeleri III”, Belleten, XII, 45, Ankara, 1948, p. 75.
• [22] Ismail Yigit, “Memluklar Donemi (1250-1517) Ilmî Hareketine Genel Bir Bakis”, Turkler, V, Yeni Turkiye Yayinlari, Ankara, 2002, pp. 750, 751, 752; Nuaymî, ed-Daris fi Tarihi’l-Medaris, edited by Ja’far el-Hashem, vol. 1, Beirut 1405 H, p. 54.
• [23] Osman Turan, Seljuklular Tarihi ve Turk-Islam Medeniyeti, Turk Kulturunu Arastirma Enstitüsu, Ankara, 1965, p. 241; Dogu Anadolu, Turk Devletleri Tarihi, Turan Nesriyat Yurdu, Istanbul, 1973, p. 220; Turkiye Seljuklulari Hakkinda Resmi Vesikalar, Turk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 1958, p. 54.
• [24] Osman Turan, Turkiye Seljuklulan Hakkinda Resmi Vesikalar, Turk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 1958, pp. 51-52, 53, 67-68; Osman Turan, Seljuklular Tarihi ve Turk islam Medeniyeti, Turk Kulturunu Arastirma Enstitüsü, Ankara, 1965, p. 251.
• [25] Ali Haydar Bayat, Osmanli Devletinde Hekimbasilik Kurumu ve Hekirnbasilar, Ataturk Kultür Merkezi Baskanligi, Ankara, 1999, p. 3; same author, “Mevlânâ’nin Dostlarindan Tabib Ekmeleddin Mueyyed el-Nahcuvani”, III. Millî Mevlana Kongresi, 12-14 Dec. 1988 (Tebligler), Seljuk University, Konya 1988, p. 233.
• [26] Kamal al-Din ibn al-Adim, Bughyat at-Talab fi Tarikh Halab, edited by Ali Sevim, Turk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 1976, p. 94.
• [27] Mikail Bayram, “Anadolu Seljuklulari Donemi Tababeti ile ilgili bazi Notlar”, Yeni Tip Tarihi Arastirmalari, vol. 4, Istanbul, 1994, p. 151.
• [28] Hasan b. ‘Abdi’l-Mu’min el-Hoyi, Ghunyetu ‘l-Katib ve Munyetu at-Talib Rusumu ar-Resail ve Nucümu’l-Faza’il, by Adnan Erzi, Ankara University Faculty of Theology, Ankara, 1963, p. 13.
• [29] Cevat izgi, “Anadolu Seljuklu Tabibleri”, III. Turk Tip Tarihi Kongresi, Istanbul 20-23 Sept. 1993, Bildiriler, Turk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 1999, p. 220-221.
• [30] Ali Haydar Bayat, “Mevlând’nin Dostlarindan Tabip Ekmeleddin Mueyyed el-Nahcuvâni”, III. Millî Mevlana Kongresi [Konya, 12-14 Dec. 1988] (Tebligiler), Konya 1988, pp. 231-262.
• [31] Feridun Nafiz Uzluk, “Anadolu Seljuklulari Hekimlerinden Zeki Oglu Ebubekir ‘Sadr-i Kunevi'”, Ankara Tip Fakultesi Mecmuasi, vol. 1, No. 3, 1947, pp. 91-99; German version: “Ebubekr der Sohn des Zeki, Gennant Sadri Kunevi ein Ariz aus Zeit des Anatolischen Seldhukkenmiches”, Acta Medica Turcica, vol. I, No. 2, Ankara, 1949, pp. 29-37; Abu Bakr ibn al-Zaki, Rawzat al-Kuttab wa Hadikat al-Albab, editd by Ali Sevim, Turk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 1972, pp. 51-52 (139-149); Feridun Nafiz Uzluk (pub.), Mevlana’nin Mektuplari, Sebat Basimevi, Istanbul, 1937, pp. 21-25; A. Suheyl Unver, “Turk Tip Tarihi Hakkinda M. Cevdetin Bibliyografyasi”, Muallim M. Cevdet’in Hayati, Eserleri ve Kütüphanesi (by. Osman Ergin), Bozkurt Matbaasi, Istanbul, 1937, p. 632; Cevat Izgi, “Anadolu Seljuklu Tabibleri”, III. Turk Tip Tarihi Kongresi (Istanbul 20-23 Sept 1993), Bildirileri, Turk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 1999, p. 229.
• [32] Cevat Izgi, “Anadolu Seljuklu Tabibleri”, III. Turk Tip Tarihi Kongresi (Istanbul 20-23 Sept. 1993, Bildirileri, Turk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 1999, pp. 225-226; Cevat Izgi, “Gazanfer et-Tebrizi”, Turkiye Diyanet Vakfi Islam Ansiklopedisi, XII, Istanbul, 1996, pp. 433-434.
• [33] Cevat Izgi, “Anadolu Seljuklu Tabibleri”, III. Turk Tip Tarihi Kongresi (Istanbul 20-23 Sept. 1993), Turk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 1999, s. 212-219; Cevat Izgi, “Hubeys et-Tiflisi”, Turkiye Diyanet Vakfi islam Ansiklopedisi, XVIII, Istanbul, 1999, pp.. 268-270; Mikail Bayram, Baciyan-i Rum, Konya, 1987, p. 40; Claude Cahen, Osmanlilardan Once Anadolu’da Turkler, translated by Yildiz Moran, E Yayinlari, Istanbul, 1979, p. 248.
• [34] Cevat Izgi, “Anadolu Seljuklu Tabibleri”, op. cit., pp. 224-225.
• [35] Idem, p. 228.
• [36] Idem, p. 229.
• [37] Idem, pp. 219-220; Emine Uyumaz, “Sultan I. Aldeddin Keykubad Döneminde Anadolu ‘da Hekimlik Yapan Bazi Tabibler”, Yeni Tip Tarihi Arastirmalari, vol. 4, Istanbul, 1998, pp. 153-156.
• [38] Ibn Abi ‘Usaybi’a, ‘Uyun al-Anba fi Tabakat al-atibba’, al-Dar al-thaqafiya, Beirut, 1987, vol. II, pp. 334-336; Osman Turan, Dogu Anadolu Turk Devletleri Tarihi, Turan Nesriyat Yurdu, Istanbul, 1973, p. 120.
• [39] Ibn Bibi, El-Awâmir al-‘Ala’iyye fi ‘l-‘Umuri ‘l-Ala’iyye (facsimile), Türk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 1956, p. 296; Turkish translation: Ibn Bibi, el-Evamirül Ala’iye fi Umuri’l-Alaiye, translated by Mürsel Oztürk, Ministry of Culture, 1000 Temel Eser, Ankara 1996, p. 312; Emine Uyumaz, “Sultan I. Aldeddin Keykubad Doneminde Anadolu’da Hekimlik Yapan bazi Tabibler”, Yeni Tip Tarihi Arastirmalari, vol. 4, Istanbul, 1998, p. 153-154; Ali Sevim (Trans.), Ibnü’l-Adim, Biyografilerle Seljuklular Tarihi [Bugyetü’t-Taleb fi Tarihi Haleb] (Secmeler), Turk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 1972, pp. 193-194.
• [40] Kamal al-Din ibn al-Adim, Bughyat at-Talab fi Tarih Halab, edited by Ali Sevim), Turk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 1976, p. 94.
• [41] Osman Turan, Dogu Anadolu Turk Devletleri Tarihi, Turan Nesriyat Yurdu, Istanbul, 1973, p. 74, Eflaki, Ariflerin Menkibeleri, vol 1,translated by Tahsin Yazici, second edition, Milli Egitim Bakanligi Yayinlari, Istanbul, 1964, pp. 337-338.
• [42] Osman Turan, Dogu Anadolu Turk Devletleri Tarihi, Turan Nesriyat Yurdu, Istanbul, 1973, pp. 64, 74.
• [43] Ahmet Eflaki, Ariflerin Menkibeleri, translated by Tahsin Yazici, vol. II, Maarif Vekaleti, Istanbul, 1954, p. 446.
• [44] Cevat Izgi, “Anadolu Seljuklu Tabibleri”, op. cit., pp. 232-233.
• [45] Ibrahim-Cevriye Artuk, “Fahreddin el-Mardini”, II. Turk Tip Tarihi Kongresi (Istanbul, 20-21 Sept 1990), Kongreye Sunulan Bildiriler, Turk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 1999, pp. 187-189; Ilhami Nasuhioglu, “Artuklular Doneminde Bilim ve Kultür”, Dirim, 1, 5, Istanbul 1976, p. 217.
• [46] Ziya Musa Bünyatov, “Ibn al-Fuvati’nin Talhis Macma’ al-Adab fi Mu’cam al-Alkab Eserinde Belirtilen Konya Sultanliginin Gorkemli sahislan”, VIII. Turk Tarih Kongresi (Ankara, 11-15 Oct. 1976), Kongreye Sunulan Bildiriler, II, Turk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 1981, pp. 594-596.
• [47] Mikail Bayram, “Seljuklular Zamaninda Anadolu’da Bazi Yoreler Arasindaki Farkh Kültürel Yapilanma ve Siyâsi Boyutlari”, Seljuk University Türkiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi, 1, Konya, 1994, p. 85; “Seljuklular Zamaninda Malatya’da Ilmi ve Fikri Faaliyetler”, I-II. Milli Seljuklu Kültür ve Medeniyeti Semineri, Seljuk University, Seljuklu Arastirmalari Merkezi, Konya, 1993, p. 123.
• [48] Erdogan Mercil, “Anadolu Seljuklulari’nda Serbest Meslekler”, Cogito, No. 29, Istanbul, 2001, pp. 147-148; Osman Turan, Türkiye Seljuklulari Hakkinda Resmi Vesikalar, Turk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 1958, p. 54.
• [49] Feda Samil Arik, “Seljuklular Zamaninda Anadolu ‘da Veba Salginlari”, Tarih Arastirmalari Dergisi 1990-1991, vol. XV, No. 26, Ankara, 1991, pp. 27-57; Sezgin Guclüay, “Tarihte Ticareti Etkileyen Unsurlar”, Turk Dünyasi Arastirmalari, 126, 2000, pp. 48-49.
• [50] Ali Haydar Bayat, “Anadolu Seljuklulari Devrinde Konya ‘da Saglik Hayati”, Turk Kültürü, XXVII, 311, Ankara 1989, p. 174.
• [51] Ihsan Fazlioglu, “Seljuklular Döneminde Anadolu’da Felsefe ve Bilim (Bir Giris)”, Cogito, No. 29, Istanbul 2001, p. 164.

*The late Professor Dr Ali Haydar Bayat (1941-2006) belonged to Ege University in Izmir (Turkey). He was member of the Medical Faculty, Medical Ethics and History Department. He published extensively on the history of medicine, especially in the Ottoman period. See this list, this one also, and the references mentioned in the footnotes.